1.
Following my introductory post (Northern Ireland's Strategy Scandal), I now present part 1 of my subsequent and more recent communications with officials in the Office of First and Deputy First Minister. This first part sets out the background to the correspondence.
Exasperated by illegal and relentless protesting methods
of people claiming to be demonstrating loyalty to Great Britain and also by pusillanimous
political leadership, I wrote to the Permanent Secretary of OFMDFM, the Office
of First and Deputy First Ministers.
This was two weeks after the majority vote (on December 3 2012) by
Belfast City Council to amend its policy on the flying of the Union Jack flag.
My purpose was to register disquiet about the continuing
delay in publishing the final strategy on community relations.
Two years ago, I had written a detailed appraisal of the OFMDFM’s draft strategy[1] on the subject.
I had excoriated the document’s authors for failing to follow the OFMDFM’s own policy-making guidelines, citing particularly its absence of evidence and policy content, and also criticising its wretched presentation, including its appalling grammar and syntax[2].
Two years ago, I had written a detailed appraisal of the OFMDFM’s draft strategy[1] on the subject.
I had excoriated the document’s authors for failing to follow the OFMDFM’s own policy-making guidelines, citing particularly its absence of evidence and policy content, and also criticising its wretched presentation, including its appalling grammar and syntax[2].
My cue to write now was sparked by the impact of the
violence on community relations, not to mention the effects on our economy and
on our reputation in the world. Mindful of the OFMDFM’s
handbook of guidelines on how to write policy, I argued that the current
disorder provides officials with substantial evidence of the consequences of
having no coherent strategy on community relations.
The Permanent Secretary’s reply insisted that a
“cross-party working group has been meeting
regularly to develop and agree a strategy to address many of the underlying and
emerging problems affecting community relations in our society. This is a vital area of policy for everyone in
our community and I can re-assure you that there is the highest level of
commitment across the Department to produce a final strategy document as soon
as possible.”
Because of the reply’s verbal economy, I took
up his invitation to contact the OFMDFM’s head of community relations,
apparently the third incumbent to the post in two years.
Earlier this month (January 2013), I presented her with my analysis of the causes and consequences of what has been happening on the streets of Northern Ireland since early December.
Earlier this month (January 2013), I presented her with my analysis of the causes and consequences of what has been happening on the streets of Northern Ireland since early December.
I emphasised my view that the absence and prolonged delay
in the OFMDFM's finalising of the policy issue outstanding from the Good Friday
Agreement, namely the failure to deal with community relations, provides one
quantifiable explanation for the return of violence to the streets of Northern
Ireland.
The next post (part 2 of my correspondence with OFMDFM officials) will set out my full case to OFMDFM’s new head of
community relations.
©Michael McSorley 2013
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